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THE LIFE 


I 

I 


AND 


OP 




JAMES M. WOKDON 



J ! 


WHO VISITED 


A GREAT PART OF THE HABITABLE AND 
UNINHABITABLE GLOBE, 


WITH A BRIEF VIEW OF THE 
CANTILE INTERESTS OF THI 
UNITER STATES. 



NEW LONDON : 

8TARR At FARNAAM* PRINTERS CORNER STATE AND MAIN STREETS. 

185o* 


V. 











































































* TWENTY-EIGHT YEARS AT SEA OR, THE LIFE OF 

JAMES M. WORD OK 


I was bom in Groton, Connecticut, in the year of our Lord 
1812. I commenced going to school at three years of age, and 
continued until I was eight. I then went to live with Mr. Abel 
Fish, and remained with him about one year. I then went 
home, where I stayed until the death of my mother. At nine 
years of age, being friendless and homeless, I went to live with 
Deacon Simeon Smith, and stayed with him one year and a half. 
Leaving there, I went to live with Dr. Miner, where I remained 
little more than a year. Leaving the Doctor’s, I proceeded to 
New-London, (April, 1824,) where, after staying in the streets 
two or three days and nights, I shipped on board the sloop 
Frederick, Capt. Ashby, then running between New-London 
and Hartford. After I had been with Capt. Ashby about four 
months, the sloop being sent South with a picked crew, I was 

obliged to leave. 

Being again without a place to lay my head, I took passage 
in a sloop to New York, where after living about the streets for 
two or three days, I shipped on board the brig Alexander, Capt 
Mix, (Oct., 1824,) bound to Jamaica. This is the largest and 
most valuable of the West India Islands, lying in the Caribbean 
Sea, and is occupied in a great measure by plantations. In re- 
gard to its Commerce it may be remarked, that during the 
year 1G55, the principal exports were cocoa, hides, and indigo. 
The Island is well watered by about a hundred rivers, none of 
which, however, are navigable, excepting for boats. Earth- 
quakes and hurricanes are here not unfrequent, and the climate 
in the low grounds is quite hot. The principal articles exported 
consist of rum, molasses, coffee, cotton, ginger, pimento, arrow- 


4 


root, indigo and logwood. After a short passage we arrived 
at our destination, Monteigo Bay. About a month after 
our arrival, in company with another boy belonging to the brig, 
I deserted. Taking plenty of provisions with us, we took up our 
quarters in the woods, about half a mile from the brig. After 
staying at this place a short time, we went 22 miles to Falmouth. 
The next day, Dec. — 1824, we shipped on board a small craft 
which we were informed by the captain, ran between Falmouth 
and Cuba. After our arrival in Cuba, she ran up into a creek to 
load, and we discovered that she was a smuggler. While there 
the mate took me with him on a hunting excursion. We saw 
several large birds at a distance, and after wading through the 
mud to a hummock, w T e tired at them, killing several. On re* 
turning, we were surrounded by alligators. After staying about 
the island for three w T eeks, in different places, the captain set 
the other boy on shore, in an uninhabited part of Cuba. This 
Island belonging to Spain, was first discovered by Columbus 
on the 28th of October, 1492, and it would seem that its an- 
nexation to the United States would be an unsound policy, con- 
sidering the vast amount of territory which we now possess, 
and which cannot be properly brought into cultivation for a pe- 
riod of a thousand years. The forests of this Island are of a 
great extent, and produce mahogany, and other hard woods, as 
well as various kinds of timber adapted to ship building. It 
furnishes the tropical fruits in great plenty, comprising the 
pine apple, and orange, while the plantain, the sweet potatoes 
and the yam are cultivated upon the soil. Its principal exports 
consist of coffee, sugar and tobacco. The principal manufac- 
tures consist in the making of sugar, molasses, rum and cigars. 
Although the cultivation of cotton and indigo is very much on 
the decline, rice, indian corn, beans and even wheat are raised 
for the use of the inhabitants. We then got underweigh 
and sailed for Falmouth. The next day after our arrival 
there, we w r ent down the coast a few miles and discharged- 
We then "went to Monteigo Bay. The captain’s residence 
being near by, and I having no place to stay, went home 


with him. The following* day while walking in the streets 
I was taken suddenly dizzy, went to my lodgings, and became 
very sick with the yellow fever, (Mar., 1825.) The Captain, 
disliking the trouble of me, had me put into an out-house, where 
I remained for five days, without being visited by any one. At 
length, a creole gentleman living near by, hearing of my suffer- 
ings got me into the hopital to save my life. After remaining 
there three months, I was given up as a gone case, but through 
the kind care of a Creole lady who belonged to the hospital, I 
was partially restored to health, the Doctor’s prescriptions were 
thrown aside, and the woman conducted the case herself. I 
then went to the house of another Creole, and was dismissed 
for want of means to pay my board. While yet in fee- 
ble health, I shipped on hoard the Saint Arms, of Londo 1 , (May, 
1825,) and worked on board about six weeks, being in very poor 
health all this time. As I had no other place to go, I tried hard 
to keep with the ship, but I became so very sick that the cap- 
taiu was obliged to discharge me. I then went on shore with- 
out a place to lay my head, the fever having left me in very 
poor health. The next day I travelled from this bay to Fal- 
mouth, and went on board the schooner Tilton, about to sail 
for New York. In her I agreed to do all I could toward work- 
ing my passage. We sailed the following day. My hair com- 
menced falling off in a few days, and in a week I was entirely 
bald. We were sixty-eight days on the passage, and were four 
times supplied by other vessels before we arrived at New York, 
July 3d, 1825. After remaining in New York a short time, I 
shipped on board the schooner Betsey, of Portsmouth, N. H., 
and went there from New York in her. After staying in Ports- 
mouth two or three days, I shipped on board schooner Lydia, 
bound to St. Johns, N. B. At St. Johns we took in a cargo of 
plaster paris, and run back to Portsmouth. On arriving at 
Portsmouth, I found the schooner Betsy fitting out for Demar- 
rara, and I shipped to go in her. We arrived at Demarara after 
a pleasant passage of thirty-four days. At this place, Capt. Shief 
left the schooner in charge of the mate. After stopping here 

1 * 


6 


about six weeks, we sailed for Portsmouth, and arrived off Mar- 
tini’s Vineyard, about the 1st of Jan., 1826. Took a pilot in 
the afternoon, at which time it was blowing very hard from the 
north-east. At 10 o’clock that night, the schooner struck in the 
breakers, W e held on till morning, losing one man that 
night. At daylight we were taken off the wreck by the pilot, 
the schooner and cargo proving a total loss. We then took 
passage in a vessel from Oldtown to Portsmouth, where we ar- 
rived about the middle of January. In a few days I shipped in 
the Montgomery, Capt. Salter, of Portsmouth, and sailed Feb. 
26th, 1826, for Savannah, arrived there about the middle of 
March, in ballast. We then loaded with cotton, and sailed for 
Liverpool. The ship leaked very badly, and we were obliged to 
keep the pumps going all the time. Arrived in Liverpool after 
a passage of 45 days, and June 15th, 1826, took the ship into 
dry dock to be coppered, when we found the leak. We remained 
in Liverpool about a month, then took a cargo of salt and hard- 
ware, and sailed for Portsmouth, May 15th, 1826, and arrived 
after a passage of one month. I remained on shore one week 
then shipped on board the brig Oliver, Capt. Knight, bound to 
the River La Plate. 

The vessel being very old and shacklv, and her bottom cor- 
ered with grass, we had a very long passage, we were supplied 
with provisions and water Dec. 1st, 1826, by a French whaler* 
While alongside the whaler, the man at the mast head saw a 
whale, the boats lowered, took me on board, and then went and 
captured him. We then made sail again for La Plate. Af- 
ter getting about twenty miles up the river, in the night we 
encountered a pampero, which drove us on to a bar called the 
English Bank. The second time she struck we lowered the long 
boat and left the wreck, which went to pieces in fifteen minutes. 
We drifted down the river in the long boat, during the fury 
of the blow, then pulled up the river again, and reached Monte- 
video in two days, looking in vain for the remains of our vessels 
I stayed here four days, then shipped on board the brig Presi- 
dent Adams, of Baltimore, Capt. De Valengen, bound to Rio 


7 


Janeiro. This is a sea port of Brazil, and is the most impor- 
tant commercial city in South America. The population is es- 
timated at about 200,000. It is situated upon level ground, 
the houses being for the greater part granite, or granite and 
wood. It constitutes a very important mart for the export of 
coffee. Sugar is also exported to a considerable extent, as well 
rice, tobacco, rum, hides, tapioca, ipecauanha, manioc, flour and 
other inferior articles. Gold and diamonds were formerly ex- 
ported to a considerable extent, but the export of those articles 
has almost ceased, excepting in a secret manner. 

Here I saw the boy we left in Cuba. We remained here one 
month, and not being able to get a cargo, went back to the Riv- 
er La Plate, Feb. 20th, 1827, and attempted to run the block- 
ade at Buenos Ayres. Finding this impossible, we ran down to 
St. Salvador and remained there seven months, when we took 
in a cargo of hides, and Oct. 1st, 1827, sailed for Gibralter. 
The next day we were taken by a Brazilian frigate, which start- 
ed with us for Montevideo, we in the frigate, and the brig in tow. 
The Frigate stopped in the outer roads, and the brig in charge 
of our captors, was carelessly run on the rocks and lost, in get- 
ting into the harbor. 

Soon after, they sent us to Montevideo, and liberated us. 
Montevideo is a principal seaport of South America, and po- 
sesses a considerable commerce. The prominent articles of ex- 
port are composed of animal products, among the principal of 
which are dry and salted hides, horns, jerked beef, horse hair, 
wool and tallow, which amounted in value during the year 1837 
to 3,413,957 Spanish dollars. Here I stayed four days, then 
took passage on board the Tuscaloosa, Capt. Hart, of New York* 
We passed up the river, ran the blockade in the night, and arrived 
safely in Buenos Ayres, Oct. 10th, 1827, in the morning. This 
is a maritime city of South America. The population is sup- 
posed to be about 100,000. In the principal streets the houses 
have a garden before and behind them, some with latticed bal- 
conies, in which flowering shrubs are cultivated. A considera- 
part of the population is composed of mestizzos and negroes* 


8 


The Plaza or great square contains the Cathedral, a large and 
handsome edifice of a pleasing style of architecture. The prin- 
cipal articles which were exported 'during the year 1837, 
were Spanish dollars, marks of silver, gold, gold uncoined, ox 
hides, horse hides, jerked beef, horses, horse hair, sheep’s wool, 
chinchilla skins, nutria skins, tallow, cotton, sheep-skins, flour 
and corn, as well as sundry other articles. The following night 
my boarding house was entered by a press-gang, and I with two 
or three others were taken, and sent on board the Buenos Avres 
brig-of-war Niger, Capt. Coe, mounting 14 guns. We started 
out to run the blockade, one foggy morning about 9 o’clock, 
and got into the enemy’s fleet. When the fog cleared away, 
we found ourselves surrounded by about thirty sail. We how- 
ever ran the blockade, losing several men, and damaging our 
spars considerably. Two brigs of the enemy then got under- 
weigh, and made chase for us. 

We being crippled, they soon came up with us, firing at us 
during the whole chase. We then ran ashore. The brigs com- 
ing up each side of us, commenced firing in good earnest. In 
ten minutes we had everything shot away, the captain receiving 
a shot in the breast. Fourteen being all of us who could now 
stand, jumped overboard and swam ashore, amid the rattling of 
grape from the brigs. The wounded of our brig w r ere soon ta- 
ken prisoners. The remainder of us soon proceeded to a village 
close by, where w r e were kindly received and supplied with hor- 
ses, when we immediately started for Buenos Ayres, where we 
arrived at ten o’clock that night. After four days I was again 
pressed into the service, and sent on board a ship called tho 
25th of May, Capt. De Kay, 22 guns. The ship was in a short 
time dispatched to Montevideo, on public business. While the 
Commodore and most of the officers were on shore, the Spanish 
part of the crew mutinied, and in the evening took the ship and 
ran outside. They then held a council, to decide what to do 
with the ship. Soon after they had put out, some of them 
searched the cabin and found one man who would not tell them 
where the 1st Lieutenant was, when they knocked him down. 


9 


cut his throat, and left him. I in company with the other Amer- 
icans and Englishmen ran to the forecastle when the row com- 
menced, where we remained expecting instant death, until the 
ship was run ashore. The mate they attempted to shoot seve- 
ral times while at sea, hut as they could not agree, he was 
saved. 

The mutineers concluded to run the ship ashore, which they 
did under the mount. They then pressed the boatswain’s 
mate to pilot them ashore ; he set them all on shore at four or 
five boat loads, and then returned alone to the ship. We then 
commenced firing minute guns and continued them all night . 
The next day assistance arrived from Monteviedo, and after 
much labor we got the ship off and took her to that port. 
The officers came on board the morning before she was got off 
The fellows who ran the ship ashore, on trying to pass the fort 
on the Mount, were all taken prisoners and placed in the fort 
and in a few days they were removed to the ship well ironed. 
Nov. 12th, 1827, we sailed for Buenos Ayres, where we arrived 
in four days. The second day after our arrival, while lying 
four miles from the shore, we were visited by a pampero. The 
ship labored so badly that we took the irons from the prisoners, 
and gave them an equal chance. In the night the ship com- 
menced pounding on the bottom, and soon sunk in three fath- 
oms water. We immediately took to the rigging, where we 
hung until the next day at 2 P.M., when we were taken oft' by 
a gun boat. As soon as we landed at Buenos Ayres, we were 
placed in the fort, to be kept for further use. We waited for a 
good chance to leave, and after we had been there about a week, 
we determined to make our escape or die in the attempt. 
There came a terrible pampero? — then was our chance — and wo 
concluded to leap from the walls. The first one who jumped 
broke both his legs, the wall being about forty feet high. The 
balance of us, 13 in number, got down with considerable diffi- 
culty. We found horses waiting at a neighboring stable, which 
we took and started for the country. Patrick Daley, who 
owned the stable and horses, had previously agreed to furnish 


10 


them for us, and also procured a guide for every two of us, ior 
we had concluded to travel in parties of two each. After wo 
had proceeded about fourteen miles into the country, we sepa- 
rated into couples ; my companion we called “Bony,” from hav- 
ing been in service with Napoleon. I and my partner, whose 
hip was very much shattered by a musket ball, now concluded 
to go to Valparaiso. We travelled, in four weeks, about 600 
miles, accompanied all the time by our guide. At this timo 
we arrived at a settlement of Scotch, Dutch and Irish, near the 
Andes mountains. The Andes is a long mountain range run- 
ning along the whole west coast of Sou tl^ America, Cape Horn 
constituting its southern extremity. Earthquakes here prevail 
more frequenrly than in any other part of the globe, and the 
towns of Bogota, Quito, Rio Bamba, Callao, Copiapo, Valaparia- 
so, Vulpo, Concepcion and others have suffered the influence 
of their agency. This range of mountains produces silver, 
gold, quicksilver and copper to some extent. Here we remained 
two weeks, rode races, went hunting, &c. Hearing favorable 
news from Buenos Ayres, we decided to return, and started, 
dressed in gougers’ rig, with spurs one foot in diameter. We 
were three weeks in returning, during which time we slept in the 
open air. We entered Buenos Ayres amid the cheers of the 
inhabitants. Soon after our arrival, I shipped on board the 
brig Denrico, Capt, Reed, of Boston. Never was a fellow more 
pleased at leaving this country, than I. 

We arrived in New York, June 15th, 1828, after a passage 
of 80 days. On our arrival, we had some trouble about getting 
our wages, but after a lawsuit it was handed over to us. After 
staying about New York two weeks, I shipped on board the 
brig James Monroe, Capt. Riley, the same who had been among 
the barbarous natives of Africa, some years before. The brig 
sailed to Chesapeake Bay, took in a cargo of wood, and return- 
ed to New York August 28th, 1828. I then went on board of 
the ship Robin Ilood, of Boston, Capt. Ewing, bound to Ha- 
vana in ballast, intending to take a cargo of sugar to Russia, but 
being offered a good price, agreed to take a load of Spanish troops 


11 


to Tampico, and after staying there a month, during which time 
[ was sun struck, went back in the ship to Havana. Here three 
of our men died of the yellow fever, and the rest were discharg- 
ed and paid off. Here I stayed about three weeks, and was 
one night arrested and put in jail for the offence of being out 
after 8 o’clock. After I was taken to jail, they put my head in 
the stocks, and when the block was let down on my neck, it 
nearly strangled me, and not liking this, I kicked the jailor with 
such force, and was so troublesome, that they put me in the inner 
jail without the stocks. After being in jail two days, hearing 
that the brig Congress wanted a crew, I sent a man down after 
the captain, who came up, shipped me and took me out, and 
two days after, we sailed for Cadiz, Dec., 1828. This is a dis- 
tinguished seaport of Spain, in Andalusia, and its commerce 
was formerly very exensive. It is very ancient, having been 
founded by the Phenecians. The principal articles of ex- 
port are wine and provisions. Quicksilver, brandy, salt and oil 
are likewise exported. Its population was formerly seventy 
thousand, but gradually diminished to the number of sixty thou- 
sand. We buried one man on the passage. This man was a 
Dutchman, as were about three-fourths of the crew, and while 
he was sick, his countrymen forsook him, fearing the fever, of 
which he died. 

We scarcely had time to bury him, before the Dutch part of 
the crew took possession of his fine chest of clothes. The cap- 
tain being an old man, and not liking to interfere, told me to 
get the clothes away from them, because if the clothes of a sick 
man were found on board at Cadiz, we should be kept in quar- 
antine a long time. I stripped them of the stolen property, and 
threw the clothes overboard. 

While going into Cadiz, I went aloft to furl the main-top-gal- 
lant-sail, and fell overboard — was picked up by the English brig 
Harriet, and got aboard the Congress soon after quarantine was 
out, which was about 30 days. In a few days the crew were 
discharged. I was soon taken sick, when I sought the relief of 
the American Consul, Having lost my protection, I had con- 


12 


siderable difficulty in getting him to assist me. He however 
concluded to pay my hoard the time I stayed in Cadiz, which lxa 
did six months. 

The schooner Minerva, from Marblehead, being at this time 
in Cadiz, it was thought advisable that I should take passage 
home in her. We sailed about the middle of June, 1829. Af- 
ter we had been out about three weeks, we discovered that a se- 
rious mistake had been made, concerning our provisi >ns. They 
were all srone. and we had to live on boiled raisins until our 
arrival at Marblehead. From here I went to Boston, being 
still in very feeble health, I immediately went into the marina 
hospital, and stayed there three months, at the end of which 
time I came out, still in feeble health, and shipped in the Ada- 
mant, of Boston, bound to Wilmington, N. C., where we arrived 
after a passage of ten days. Here I left the Adamant, and 
shipped on board the schooner Dime, of Thomastown. Soon 
after we started out there came on a gale in the night, which drove 
us on Cape Fear shoals. Next day we were helped off by a 
couple of craft and ran up to Smith field, where we took out 
part of our cargo, and finding that we had sustained no very se- 
rious damage, we got ready and made sail for Gaudaloupe, with 
a cargo of lumber. Here we discharged our lumber, and took 
in a load of molasses, and returned to Wilmington, where we ar. 
rived Jan. 1st, 1830. After staying ashore one week, I shipped 
in the brig Fisher, Capt. Huntington, bound to St. Thomas with 
a load of lumber. The next day we made sail, and after a run 
of three weeks we arrived at St. Thomas, and discharged. W a 
then ran down to Antigua, and took in a cargo of Molasses, 
which the planters sent off to us in scows, by the negroes. W# 
sailed with this cargo to Charleston, S. C., where we arrived af* 
er a passage of three weeks. 

Two or three days after our arrival in Charleston, we w r ent to 
the Captain for our wages, which he refused to pay. The next 
day I met him in the street and demanded my wages, when ho 
again refused to pay. Then I laid him about six feet in tho 
street. He got up, went into a store, and in a short time paid 




13 


' me. I then shipped in the brig Apthorp, of Boston, Capt. Cush- 
ing, bound to Liverpool with a load of cotton, where we arrived 
after a passage of 35 days, May, 1830. Here I remained one 
month, when we again sailed in the Apthorp for Boston, where 
we arrived after a passage of 40 days, Aug. — 1830. 

I remained one week in Boston, then shipped in a small 
schooner bound on a makerel cruise down east. In this cruise 
we stopped on Fox Island three or four weeks, from there went 
to Portland, packed out the mackerel and sold them, when the 
captain of the schooner took the money we had obtained for the 
fish, and made himself scarce. I then took the schooner, hired 
one man, and carried her back to the owners, at Boston. I re- 
mained in Boston about two weeks, then shipped in the Hercu- 
les, Capt. Abram Rich, bound to the East Indies, for which port 
we sailed in a few days, and arrived after a passage of 156 
days. 

As soon as we had left the United States, the captain put ns 
on very short allowance. W e had a dangerous passage through 
the Straits of Sunda, we were four days getting through. We 
arrived at Batavia in April, 1831. This is a seaport and city 
of the Island of Java, and seat of the government of the Dutch 
possessions in the East. The population, according to a cen- 
sus which was taken in 1824, consisted during that year of 
3,025 Europeans and their descendants, and twenty-three 
thousand one hundred and eight natives, fourteen thousand sev- 
en hundred and eight Chinese, six hundred and one Arabs, 
and twelve thousand four hundred and nineteen slaves; in all 

’ 

53,681 exclusive of the garrison. The population is now esti- 
mated at from 60,000 to 70,000. This citv was the depot for 
the produce of the Dutch possessions in the Eastern Archipelago, 
spices from the Molucca Islands were here exported, coffee and 
pepper from Celebes and Sumatra, gold dust and diamonds from 
Borneo, tin from Banca, tortoise shell, bees wax, dye woods 
&c. from Timor and Tumbawa. A considerable number of 
British Merchants here possessed lands upon which sugar 
Iras successfully cultivated. This latter product together with 


14 


coffee, indigo and other colonial staples has been produced here 
to some extent of late years. Batavia was built by the Dutch 
in 1619. In 1811 it was taken, and held by the British until 
1816, when it was restored to its former possessors. Here we re- 
mained about three weeks. The alligators here were as plenty 
as mosquitoes. One day, while a boat from an English brig was 
going across the bay, an alligator seized the captain's coat-tail, 
which was hanging over the stern, and drew him overboard. 

At Batavia we took in 100 tons of coffee, and* sailed for Cal- 
cutta, where we arrived after a passage of 30 days. We stayed 
in Calcutta two months. While we lay here, I went several 
times to a small village, where some English gentlemen resided. 
They kept wild beasts of all kinds. Here I saw many dead 
bodies of children in the river. Calcutta is a prominent city of 
Hindoostan, and is situated on the Hoogly river, an arm of 
the Ganges. It has been termed a City of Palaces, and this 
together with Madras and Bombay, form the three principal 
cities of that country, which is under British rule. It is now 
retained by the East India Company. The population con- 
sists of Hindoos, Mahommedans, Half Castes, English, Portu- 
guese, French, Armenians, Jews, Persians, Chinese, Arabs, Ma- 
drasses, Parsees and native Christians. In 1837 the value 
of the export trade amounted to six million five hundred and 
four thousand five hundred and ninety-six pounds sterling. 
The circumstances attending the acquisition of this territory 
are somewhat singular. Hindoostan constituted a wide enr 
pire, inhabited by eastern tribes, with principles and institu- 
tions peculiar to that country, and entirely distinct from those 
which are recognized by the civilized nations of the East. It 
was a country abounding in natural wealth. 

The early history of the establishment of the British in the 
East Indies was associated with a settlement of a Company of 
Merchants. A large portion of those were in consequence of 
the dislike of the natives confined in a small room where a 
great part perished ; and the subsequent operations of Clive, 
Wellsley, Hastings and others thus tended permanently to fix the 


15 


English authority upon that country. The first charter of the 
East India Company was made by Queen Elizabeth. Calcutta 
was captured in 1*756. A more extensive tract of territory 
was subsequently acquired, and after a series of bloody wars 
with the natives the greater part of the territory was placed 
under the British rule. That country produces the apricot, the 
nectarine and the peach, as well as apples, pears and strawber- 
ries. Wheat, barley, oats and rice, indigo and sugar are among 
the products of its agriculture. It likewise yields grapes, mel- 
ons, pine-apples, figs, dates and mangoes. Among its animals 
are the elephant, the camel, the horse, the tiger and the rhinoc- 
eros. Upon the subject of Clive’s administration, a brilliant 
writer * makes the following remarks: — “From Clive’s third 
visit to India dates the purity of the administration of our 
Eastern Empire. When lie’ landed in Calcutta in 1*765 Ben- 
gal was regarded as a place to which Englishmen were sent 
only to get rich by any means in the shortest possible time. 
He first made dauntless and unsparing war on that gigantic 
system of oppression, extortion and corruption. In that war 
he manfully put to hazard his ease, his fame and his splendid 
fortune. The same sense of justice which forbade us to com 
ceal or extenuate the faults of his earlier days compels us to 
admit that those faults were nobly repaired. If the reproach 
of the Company and of its servants has been taken away, if 
in India the yoke of foreign masters, elsewhere the heaviest of 
all yokes has been found lighter than that of any native 
dynasty, — if to that gang of public robbers, which once 
spread terror through the whole plain of Bengal has suc- 
ceeded a body of functionaries, not more highly distinguished 
by ability and diligence than by integrity, disinterestedness 
and public spirit, if we now see men like Munro, Elphin- 
stone and Melcalfe after leading victorious armies, after ma 
king and deposing kings, return proud of their honorable 
poverty, from a land which once held out to every greedy 
factor the hope of boundless wealth, the praise is in no small 
measure due to Clive. 


# The Bight blonorablo Thomas Babington Macauley. 


16 


Another writer remarks in contrasting the state of Hindoo- 
stan previous to the British rule with its subsequent condition? 
u The order and regularity which prevail both in the maintain- 
ance of the Indian army and the administration of its provin- 
ces, have produced the greatest impression on the natives of the 
East from the contrasts which they afford to the hideous 
scenes of devastation and massacre with which from the earli- 
est times conquest had been invariably attended in the plains of 
Hindoostan. Throughout the whole period of the Mahom- 
medan ascendency in the south of India, the same enormities, 
the never failing accompaniments of their presence and power 
have occurred as in the northern provinces. The annals of this 
period give a succession of examples of the same unprovoked 
and devastating warfare, the same struggles for power among 
the nobles ; the same unbridled lust of conquest in the 
government; the same perfidy, treason and assassination 
in the transactions of courts, the same massacres, oppression 
and suffering indicted on the people. It was no unusual thing 
for sixty, eighty or a hundred thousand persons of all ages and 
sexes to be put to death in a single day ; great cities and even 
capitals were at once destroyed and delivered over tenantless to 
the alligator and the tiger ; the treasures of the native princes 
were invariably filled with the plunder of their defenceless sub- 
jects. The system of Mahommedism exaction, at drst under the 
name of contributions, permanently under that of revenue? 
being everywhere the same, with the power of rapacious ar- 
mies to enforce it, the fate of the unhappy people was stamped 
vdth permanent wretchedness. Dreadful as were the devasta- 
tions of war and conquest, they were as nothing compared to 
the lasting evils of military exaction and cupidity. There was 
no security whatever, either for persons or property ; the latter 
Avas always considered as the fair object of seizure, whenever it 
was known to exist, and the mass of people were subject to a 
state of poverty, from which there was no escape, of violence 
and oppression for which there was no redress. Wars between 
the native or Mahommedan princes ay ere perpetual, and the 


17 


devastation extended not merely to the troops or armed men 
engaged, but to the whole population. Weeping mothers, smi- 
ling infants at their breasts were alike doomed to destruction ; 
the march of troops might be tracked by hillocks of bodies and 
pyramids of human heads, burning villages and desolated cap- 
itals. Under the Mahratta Chiefs, who rose upon the decline 
of the Tartar dynasty, the same boundless rapacity continued, 
aggravated by the establishment of above twenty petty chiefs, 
each of whom exercised the light of making war on his own 
account, the work of devastation was perpetual ; massacres, 
conquests, conflagrations make up the history of India for the 
the last eight hundred years. So universal had this oppression 
been, and so deeply rooted had its effects become in the habits 
of the people, that the display of property was universally 
avoided as the certain forerunner of additional exaction ; prop- 
erty was invariably either buried, or vested in diamonds, which 
admitted of easy concealment. Of the vast and public plains 
of India, not more than a fourth part was cultivated ; the pop- 
ulation was hardly a fifth part of what under a more beneficial 
system of government it might have become ; while the long 
continued drain of the precious metals to the East, so well 
known to politicians of every age, indicated as clearly the pre- 
carious tenure of wealth, which rendered the concealment of 
property indispensable, as the recent and unparralelled occur- 
rence of the importation of gold and silver from India demon- 
strates the arrival of the era for the first time in Eastern history, 
when the necessity for hoarding has ceased ; and under British 
protection the natural desire for enjoyment can find an unre- 
strained vent among the natives of Hindoostan.” It appears 
therefore that crime has diminished in TIindoostan under Brit- 
ish rule, for although the first charter of the East India Com- 
pany was granted on the last day of the sixteenth century, it 
was only not until a hundred and fifty years afterward that 
they became the actual territorial sovereigns of that country, so 
that they have now been in possession a little more than a cen- 
tury. This Company is in some mode identified with the 

o* 


18 


British Government, but its affairs appear to be managed by a 
Court of Directors, and there is a large edifice termed the In- 
dia House, in the city of London, which contans some of the 
most curious and interesting articles obtained in that territory. 

The same writer also remarks in regard to the decrease of 
Crime in that country under this rule: — “ From our returns of 
commitments and crime in many different provinces of India 
for the last thirty years, it distinctly appears that crime has du- 
ring that period diminished one-half, in many places sunk to a 
sixth in the East, while it has iti the same time more than 
quadrupled in the British Islands, and in Ireland multiplied 
ninefold. 1ST or is it difficult to perceive to what cause this 
remarkable difference is owing. Robbery and plunder, the 
crimes of violence were those chiefly prevalent in India, grow- 
ing out of the lawless habits which ages of misrule had dif- 
fused through a large portion of the population. These sav- 
age and dangerous crimes have been everywhere severely ro- 
pressed, in some districts totally extirpated by the strong arm 
of the British Government. The lon<* established hordes of 
robbers have in most places been dissolved ; the Pendarries 
who so long spread ruin and desolation through Central In- 
dia rooted out, the gangs of Dacoits and Looties who levied 
a frightful tax on honest industry transported or broken up. But 
if this unwonted feeling of security against hostile spoliation is so 
generally perceptible even in the provinces which have enjoyed 
the benefit of English protection for the longest period, what 
must it be to those which have been lately rescued from a 
state of anarchy, misery and bloodshed unparralelled in the 
modern history of the world.” 

In allusion to the advance of conquest upon that territory, 
the same author says : — “It augments our astonishment at the 
wisdom and benificence of the Indian government that these 
marvellous conquests have been gained, and these lasting ben- 
efits conferred upon their subjects during a period checkered 
by the most desperate wars ; when the very existence of the 
English authority was frequently at stake, and the whole erier- 


ID 


gies of government were necessarily directed, in the first in- 
stance to the preservation of their own national independence* 
During the growth of this astonishing prosperity in the Indian 
provinces, the Peninsula has been the seat of almost unceasing 
warfare. It has witnessed the dreadful invasion of Hyder Ali, 
the two terrible wars with Tippoo, Sultaun, the alternations of 
fortune from the horrors of the Black Hole at Calcutta to the 
storming of Seringapotam, the long and bloody Maliratta wars 
the Pindarree conflict, the Goorkha campaigns, the capture of 
Bhurtpore, and the murderous warfare in the Burmese Empire.” 
There have also been more recent encounters which have oc- 
curred since this author wrote. 

We took in a cargo of India goods and sailed for Boston, 
August, 1831. When about 20 days out from Calcutta, our 
allowance was so small that we were obliged to strike. The 
captain bragged that he generally used his crew just as he pleas- 
ed. We went into the forecastle, and the captain fastened us 
down there. We were furnished with provisions for 18 days 
by the mate, which lasted until our arrival at the Isle of France. 
We that were in the forecastle did not know where we were, 
but in a short time we heard the trampling of several men on 
deck, the forecastle was soon opened, and we taken by about 
forty soldiers, and marched off to prison, for the captain had been 
to the authorities and sworn mutiny against us. While in pris- 
on we lived on salt beef and rice, and after we had been in 
about three weeks, I was taken sick, and then taken to the hos- 
pital, where I remained three weeks. While in prison, the cen- 
tipedes were so plenty that we had to stand watch over each 
other. After I had partially recovered, I was taken from the 
hospital by a guard of soldiers, and again placed in the prison, 
where I found my companions the same as I had left them, 
fighting vermin and spinning yarns. After this we remained in 
prison about twenty days, when I got permission to visit the 
American Consul on the Island, and was conducted to his office 
by a company of soldiers. He told me that we must stay in 
prison until taken away by an American man-of-war. I asked 


20 


li.’m if any was expected there. lie said no. I then got angry, 
and would as soon have died as lived. I collared him, throwed 
niin down, put my fist in his face, blacked his eyes, &c, I was 
then taken back to prison, when we sent for the Governor of 
the Island. Meanwhile the tyrant captain had procured anoth- 
er crew, and sailed for Boston. The Governor came, examined 
our case and pronounced us innocent. He sent for the Consul? 
and told him that the prison could hold us no longer. There 
being no American ship in port at this time, the Consul put us 
on board of the ship Lady McNorton, bound to London. In this 
way they thought to get us to the United States. The Consul 
was determined to have us tried for mutiny. When I left Bos- 
ton, I weighed 168 lbs., and when I left the prison, I weighed 
but 98 lbs. We were put in separate state-rooms on board the 
ship, to keep us from eating too much, as we were reduced to 
. mere skeletons. On arriving in London, the captain gave us 
ten shillings each, and told us to go where we pleased, only be 
back the next morning. The next day we went back to the ship 
where we found the American Consul, with Capt. Faith and the 
Lord Mayor of London. The Mayor inquired into our case, 
and declared that there was no prison in London that could 
hold us. The Consul decided to get us boarded until he could 
get us to the United States. 

We stayed at the boarding house two weeks, then went on 
board the ship Hannibal, bound to Hew York, the Consul’s clerk 
accompanying us down to the ship. On getting aboard we 
found the captain had about half a crew, thinking that we would 
make up the deficiency, in which he was mistaken, as we would 
not do the first thing. After we had been out about four days, 
he concluded to return to Portsmouth, and get an addition to 
his scanty crew. After he had obtained a crew and again sailed 
for N. York, we went to work with a will. This was a severely 
cold passage, and after we had been out about twenty days, we 
lowered two men from the main yard, who had been frozen 
while reefing the mainsail. We arrived in Yew Tork after a 

O 

passage of one month, and went to a boarding house, where we 


21 


I 


remained three days. Then we went to the District Attorney, 
sind gave ourselves upas prisoners. We wanted a trial, that we 
might recover our wages, and the District Attorney gave us a 
letter of recommendation, and sent us to Bellevue Prison with- 
out a guard or anything of the kind, when we were taken into 
the jail, given good quarters and treated well. We had been 
in the prison 18 days, when the District Attorney sent for 117 to 
come down to his office, the court house. When we went 'into 
court, we found the supercargo and a passenger of the Hercu- 
les, who had been summoned from Boston to attend the court* 
These gentlemen convinced the court that we were the injured 
party, and we were immediately discharged. 

Be it understood that we went to all this trouble in order to 
get our wages from the Hercules. The supercargo and passen- 
ger paid our passage to Boston in a sloop. Arrived in Nan- 
tasket Roads, we found Boston harbor frozen over, so we left the 
sloop at the Roads, and went up by land. The account of our 
imprisonment in the Isle of France, our arrival in New York? 
our expected trial, &c., had been published in the papers, and 
the people were acquainted with our misfortune. When we 
entered Boston, the people gave us three cheers. We called 
immediately on Benj. Rich, the owner of the Hercules, and he 
paid us $00 each. I remained here a short time, then shipped 
on board the brig Talma, of Boston, Capt. Allen, bound for 
Charleston, S. C., where we arrived in about ten days. I stayed 
in Charleston one week, then shipped in the Merchant, of Port- 
land, Capt. Jordan, bound for Havre de Grace, with a load of 
cotton, and had a passage of 35 days. This is a prominent sea 
port upon the west coast of Franco. The principal exports 
are silk, woolen and cotton goods, lace, gloves, trinkets, perfume- 
ry, burgundy, champagne and other wines, brandy, glass, fur- 
niture, books &c. The town also possesses manufacturing es- 
tablishments to a considerable extent. While in Havre, I had 
lorae words witli Capt. Jordan, and left his ship. During my 
stay in Havre, I shipped several times for other men, who could 
not ship themselves. I would complain of sickness, and get 


22 


them to go in my place. After remaining here two weeks, ]y 
shipped in the Marion, of Portsmouth, N. H., Capt. Eton, bonne 
to the Western Islands, and arriving at St. Ubes we took in e 
load of salt, and arrived at Portsmouth in a six weeks passage 
from Havre. In this port I stayed two or three days, and tlier 
sailed in ship Sarah Parker, for Charleston, S. C., where w* 
arrived in a week. Here I remained a few days, then shipped 
in the brig Josephine, with a cargo of cotton, bound to Rot- ! 
terdam, where we arrived in 35 days, and immediately com- 
menced discharging cargo. This is a prominent commercial 
city of Holland, the second in population and importance of 
that country. During the year 1840, there entered this port 
sixteen hundred and seventy-one vessels. The place also has 
a regular intercourse by steam vessels with London, Dusseldorf, 
Cologne, Maestiecht, and other ports on the Rhine, Maese &c. 
The first Sunday morning after our arrival, most of the crew 
went to the captain for money, in order to have a time on 
that day, but he refused them all, and they told me that I 
dare not ask him. I then went and asked him for money. 
He refused, saying that we would be away from duty the next 
day. I then went below, took 30 dollars from my chest, kept 
five myself, and divided the remainder among five others of 
the crew, and then started off, telling the captain we should 
not be back the next day. 

On Tuesday morning we returned, and found Capt, Cushing 
and his mate, Mr. Pike very crusty; he accused me of keeping 
the men away and pitched into me. I met him, and we had it 
beat and kick, for about one hour, when finding himself used 
•up, he let the matter drop. We remained in Rotterdam about 
twelve days, then sailed for Boston with a cargo of Holland 
Gin, where we arrived after a passage of 30 days. After my 
arrival I worked at rigging three months with a gentleman na- 
med Lowe, and then shipped in the Konoh asset, of Boston, 
bound to N. Orleans in ballast. She was a new ship and true, aa 
ever ploughed the ocean. On our arrival in N. Orleans I left her 
and worked along shore about two months, and then shipped in 


23 


ie bark Wallhalla, Capt. Stevens, and returned to Boston. In 
short time I again shipped before the mast in the brig Regu- 
Bitor, Capt. Wm.D, Phelps, bound for the Mediterranean. We 
ad 30 days passage to Gibralter, where we stayed one day, 
ijjnd then sailed for Malta, and arrived after a passage of 6 days, 
Gere we remained one week discharging lumber, and then sail- 
I for Alexandria, where we arrived in two weeks, Alexandria 
#1 a prominent seaport of Egypt. The principal articles ex- 
ported during the year 1837 consisted of coffee, corn, cotton, 
ilates, tortoise shell, incense, gums, indigo, dried fruit, mother- 
M-pearl, opium, skins, ostrich feathers, rice, senna and other 
medicines, soda and linen cloth. The column called Pompey’s 
Illar is said to have been erected during the reign of Diocle- 
an, its shaft consisting of a single block of granite, sixty-eight 
Jeeffin height. While here, our 1st mate became so intem- 
perate, that Capt. Phelps discharged him. The 2d mate was 
>ut in his place, and I was promoted to 2d mate. We re. 
named in Alexandria five weeks, and while there, I ascended 
ind put my name on the top of Pompey’s pillar. We left 
jj lere with a part of a cargo, for Smyrna. This is an ancient 
pity of Asia Minor, and its population has been estimated at 
lfrom 120,000 to 150,000, the half of whom are Turks, and 
jt he remainder Greeks and Jews, Armenians, Franks &c. The 
city is surrounded by mountains, the upper part being inhabited 
jby the Turks, the centre portion by the Armenians, the Jews 
lave two or three places around both, while the flat grounds 
around the shore are inhabited by the Franks. The exports of 
this place were composed mainly of raw silk and cotton, opium, 
rhubarb, and a variety of drugs and gums, olive oil, madder 
roots, turkey carpets, sponge, galls, wax, copper, skins, goat’s 
wool and safflower. Caravans of Armenians frequently arrived 
here from Pernua and the East, which constituted the principal 
foundation of its commerce. Lemons, oranges, citrons, melons, 
figs and grapes are grown in great perfection near the city. 
In Smyrna we stayed three weeks, then sailed for Malta, where 
Wt arrived after a passage of ten days. This Island in the Med- 


24 


itterranean also belongs to England. Tiie climate is somewhat 
hot, being exposed to the winds blowing from the Syrean and 
African Desert. It possesses numerous vessels, and its im- 
ports and exports are considerable. The Island has however 
become recently the centre of an extensive steam packet system, 
as the steamers from and to England, the Ionian Islands, Alex- 
andria and other places stop here during their voyages. We 
then took in the remainder of our cargo and sailed for Boston. 
We had about 35 days passage, and arrived on (he New Eng- 
land coast Feb. 2d, and on the 5th we lost the brier and five 
,men. 

My memory being poor, and knowing that Capt Phelps resi- 
ded in Lexington, Mass., I wrote him a line, requesting that lie 
would send me an account of the loss of the Regulator. A few 
days since, I received the following letter, in which was enclosed 
one column of a newspaper, published in 1836, which contained 
an account of the shipwreck. 

Lexington, Feb. 6th, 1854. 

James Wordon was shipwrecked with me in the Regulator, 
18 years ago. After such a lapse of time I cannot remember 
much about him, but I find by my memorandum, that during 
that voyage I promoted him from before the mast to 2d mate, 
which fact is evidence of his deserving character at that time. 
Since then I have known but little of him. I think he is de- 
serving of sympathy, and hope he may succeed in his under- 
takings. 

The following is Capt. Phelps’ account of the loss of the Reg- 
ulator, which I take from the newspaper: 

‘The vessel ashore at Plymouth on Friday, was the brig 
Regulator, Phelps, from Smyrna for Boston. The following 
letter from Capt. Phelps, received by the Messrs. Topi iff, gives 
the following interesting particulars of the loss of the vessel, &c. 

‘Feb. 2d, made Chatham light, wind W. blowing hard, stood 
to northward. Our sails and rigging, which were previously 
wet, were now so badly frozen, that it was impossible to get the 
vessel under snug sail. Next morning at daylight, succeeded in 


25 


hauling the courses up, but could not reef or hand them, the 
vessel having two feet of ice on deck, and the rigging wholly 
useless, from its increased size, and the ice still accumulating, 
all hands employed in beating it off. 

‘Feb. 3d. — Moderate and pleasant, all hands at work all day 
in clearing off*. Succeeded in getting topsails and courses set. 

‘4th. — Wind E.N.E. and snow. Judged ourselves in the lat- 
itude of Cape Ann, and steered accordingly, wind hauling north- 
wardly, and the weather extremely cold, two of our crew with 
their feet frozen, and two others with their hands badly frost- 
bitten. In the afternoon, made the land off* Plymouth, wind 
strong from the north, and the vessel covered with ice, and the 
rigging in such a condition that it was utterly impossible, with 
our weak crew to work ship. We hoisted a signal of distress, 
and bore away for Plymouth. A signal was made from the 
lighthouse for us to run in. We did so, steering the brig with 
the braces, the rudder being choked with ice, ran in as far as 
possible, let go both anchors in 4 fathoms water, the vessel stri- 
king heavily between the swells. At 8 P. M. the flood made, 
and the vessel lay afloat until the next morning, when the swell 
increasing, she began to strike heavily. 

‘During the night the jolly boat was got out, and tackles on 
the long boat, ready to get her out. The brig making no water 
during the night, we had hopes of assistance from the shore at 
daylight, to help us change our berth. About 7, the vessel 
drifting toward the breakers, cut away our foremast, which took 
with it the main-topmast and main-yard. The vessel was now 
in the breakers, and the sea making a furious breach over every 
part of her. The launch washed overboard, and lay under the 
lee, with a hawser fast to her, and full of water. Slipped both 
cables, and lightened the vessel as much as possible. About 
half past 8 o’clock, the cabin and forecastle were full, and the 
vessel fast breaking up. 

‘Three men threw themselves into the launch and cast her off'. 
She capsized in the breakers, and they perished about fifty 
yards under our lee. One man and boy were buried under the 

3 


26 


fragments of the wreck on deck, and perished there. The main 
mast was standing, the top and mast-head were gone, but the 
rigging was firm, and to that we now retreated, every sea drench- 
ing us, and our clothes freezing on us. 

‘Here we remained till all were more or less frozen, the cargo 

' o 

washing out aft. A part of the quarter deck was out of water 
at times, and we succeeded in getting to it and lashing ourselves 
there, the brig fast breaking up. A remnant of her providen- 
tially drifted near the edge of the breakers, and we were taken 
off by the boats of the brig Cervantes, Capt. Kendrick, the crew 
of which had been anxious observers of our situation all the mor- 
ning, at about a third of a mile distant, without being able to 
render us the least assistance, the sea breaking so heavily over 
and around us, that no boat could approach us and live. 

‘As soon as possible, they rescued us, when we could not have 
lived another hour on the wreck. When we left the wreck, no- 
thing was above water but the bowsprit and knightheads for- 
ward, and a part of the quarter deck and roundhouse aft, the 
deck burst up amidships, and the vessel settling fast in the sand, 
and going to pieces. Before dark she had separated amidships. 
The next morning at low water, nothing was to be seen of her but 
the ends of some of the floor timber-heads, sticking upon the 
fiats. 

‘The names of those who perished are as follows : George 

Dry den, an Englishman, Daniel Canton, of New York, Augus- 
tus Sileston, of Vermont, John Smith, a Swede, and a Greek 
boy of Smyrna. The last two lost on the wreck, the remainder 
in the boat. The chief mate, Martin Adams has both hands 
and both feet frozen, and is badly bruised. James Wordon, the 
2d mate, hands frozen, feet frost-bitten. Elijah Butler, hands 
and feet frozen. Lewis Almira*, hands and feet frozen, and bad- 
ly bruised. Cook, slightly frosted, Capt. Phelps, one foot fro- 
zen, and otherwise frost-bitten. 

‘ The cargo of the Regulator consisted of 460 bales wool, 35 
cases opium, 25 gum arabic, 12 bales sumac, 10 drums scom- 
Fsaong, 2000 drums Sultana raisins, 2000 boxes raisins, 5 packa- 


2Y 


ges cow’s tails, 1 case saffron, 400 sacks salt, 5 tons logwood. 
The crew of the Cervantes were live hours in their boats, endea- 
voring: to rescue the Regulator’s crew. The consciousness that 
these noble fellows were thus striving, animated the sufferers to 
continued exertions. Otherwise they would have speedily sank 
under their calamities.’ 

The gratitude of the survivors of the ill-fated brig Regulator, 
towards those who had nobly rescued them at the risk of their 
lives, was thus expressed in a card published a few days after: 

‘ A Card. — Wm. D. Phelps, for himself and in behalf of th# 
officers and surviving crew of the late brig Regulator, return 
their grateful thanks to Capt. Kendricks, officers, crew and pas- 
sengers of the brig Cervantes, for their perilous and successful 
exertions in rescuing them from a watery grave, and for the un- 
tiring and persevering benevolence and kindness exhibited by 
every person on board the Cervantes, in administering to our 
wants while on board that vessel. 

“ Language is incapable of expressing the feelings of our 
hearts towards them. Actuated by the noblest motives, their 
efforts were crowned with success, and their reward is in the 
consciousness of having preserved from distressing shipwreck, 
six of their fellow-creatures,” 

After we were rescued from the wreck of the Regulator, wa 
stayed in Plymouth one day, then took passage in the Cervan- 
tes, for Boston. We left her in Nantasket Roads, and proceed- 
ed to Boston in a small schooner. I went to a boarding house, 
where with considerable nursing I saved my limbs, though 
several of my comrades lost theirs. I stayed at the boarding 
house about five months. Having got smart, I shipped and 
sailed in the brig Union, of Boston, Capt. Richards, bound for 
Goose River after a cargo of lime. In a short time we arrived. 
My hands were still very weak and sore, during the run from 
Boston up. There was so much more put upon me than I 
could stand, that I told the captain I wanted him to get a man 
in my place, because my hands were not yet tough enough for 
me to work so hard. He refused, and thinking that I woul 1 


28 


leave, he sent ashore and got a constable, with about twelve 
men, to come on board and take me to Castine jail, 22 miles 
distant. 

They took me ashore, when I told the sheriff if he wished to 
take me to jail, to dismiss his aids, and take me in a wagon, 
and I would go peacably. The captain’s object in taking me to 
jail, was to keep me for the trip to New Orleans with the lime. 
We started for the jail. At the first tavern on the road wa 
stopped to drink. We did the same at the next, and before 
we arrived at Castine, we had stopped five times. He drank at 
every place, I only pretended to drink. When we arrived in 
town, I was driving, and he sat beside me, drunk as a toper. I 
had on the Sheriff’s cloak, which had the papers in the pocket. 
I drove directly to the jail, acting as sheriff, and delivered my 
tipsy prisoner over to the kind care of the jailor. I drove about 
the village all day, and at night went to see how my prisoner 
fared. I went in where he was, and he had just got his eyes 
open. He exclaimed, “where am I! where ami!” He soon 
found out where he was, and how he came there. I told him 
to take his cloak and team and go home, and I would fill his 
place. 

When the jailer found out how the case really was, he nearly 
burst his vest with laughter. The sheriff got into his buggy 
and made the best of his way for Goose River. I remained iu 
jail ten days, during which time I fared first-rate, At the end of 
that time the captain came for me, I went on board, and we got 
underweigh. The mate was sick. I refused to work, because 
I was to have nothing for it, the captain intending to have ms 
pay my expenses in jail. 

Soon after we had got under weigh, the rudder struck a rock, 
which threw the captain over the wheel, and injured him con- 
siderably. Seeing this, I concluded to work, and took th# 
wheel and did my best during the remainder of the voyage to 
New Orleans, which occupied 24 days. I took board in tha 
city, After the captain had paid the crew, lie sent the mate up 
for me. I went down aboard, not expecting anything, but ha 


29 


I;... . . 

paid me more than any other of his men. After staying in N. 
Orleans one week, I shipped on board the bark Josephine, 
bound to Philadelphia, where we arrived after a passage of 20 
days, remained there two or three days, then went in a schoon- 
er to Boston. 

I remained in Boston a few days, then shipped in the ship 
Alciope, Capt. Thompson, bound for the coast of Sumatra, in 
ballast. We sailed amid the cheers of the multitude. When 
we had been out about a week, Capt. Thompson commenced to 
show his tyrranny, and one of the crew gave him some word* 
which he did not like. 

The captain siezed him up to the rigging. At this time I was 
at the wheel. The crew manifested a desire to defend their 
comrade. The captain struck the man a few blows with a 
rope’s end. A boy came aft and took the wheel. I then went 
up to the captain, who was striking the man, and knocked him 
down. 

We then took the man down. The captain walked aft, 
threatening to put mein irons. I replied that I did not ship to 
go in irons, but to the East Indies, and he had better be careful, 
or he would not get there himself. The crew then went peaca- 
bly about their business. We told Capt. Thompson that if he 
would use us well, we would use him well, — and so the matter 
ended. We arrived at Maukee, a seaport on the east coast of 
Sumatra, after a passage of 110 days. Sumatra is the most 
western Island in the Eastern Archipelago, its area comprising 
about one hundred and twenty-eight thousand miles. Its pop- 
ulation has been estimated at about two million. Gold dust, 
copper, iron, sulphur, salt petre and coal are its principal min- 
eral products. The most important of its vegetable product ; is 
pepper. In 1842 the quantity of this article produced here 
amounted to 30,000,000 of pounds, being more than that from 
all the other countries of the globe. Besides this product are 
nutmegs and cloves, mace, camphor and rice. Sago is likewise 
puoduced in the island, besides an abundance of tropical fruits, 
sugar cane, the cocoa nut, betel, turmerci, ginger, cassia, indigo 

3* 


30 


and coffee are likewise produced in a considerable quantity. 
Extensive coral islands are continually forming around the 
shores, and coral is a prominent article of export. Here we re- 
mained one week, then went to other ports on the coast. The 
last port we visited was Hassahan, where we took in a consider- 
able quantity of pepper. The first time we went ashore, we were 
in the whale boat. There was a heavy sea on at the time, and 
the boat was turned end over end. We had great difficulty in 
getting ashore, through the breakers. The ship Gentoo, of New- 
buryport, being here at the same time, the crew assisted us 
ashore out of the breakers. 

Two days after, the captain ventured to go on shore. A few 
days after this, the Malays poisoned our captain, supercargo, and 
one man, because the captain cheated them. I was ashore with 
them, but having some knowledge of the Malays, I declined the 
fruit offered me. George Stacy at this time went on board sick, 
so he did not have a chance to be poisoned. In a few days we 
got under weigh, and went to Prince of Wales Island, in the 
Straits of Malacca. In 1836 this place had a population of 
thirty-eight thousand four hundred and fifty, consisting princi- 
pally of Malays, Chinese and Chulias, the Europeans not 
amounting to eight hundred in number. The base of the 
mountains produces tin ore, and among its agricultural prod- 
ucts are nutmegs, mace, cloves, cocoa nuts, indigo, cotton, su- 
gar cane, the betel, rice and ginger. The captain, supercargo, 
and man who were poisoned, being now sick, were put ashore 
on the Island, where they soon died and were buried. On the 
day that the captain was buried, I was taken sick with the 
coast fever, and went into the hospital on the Island While I 
was here, the ship started for the west coast of Sumatra to fill up, 
but our mate, who now had charge of the ship, being afraid of 
the natives, ran back to the Island and took in the remainder 
of his cargo there. I stayed in the hospital five weeks, then 
the ship being ready for returning, I went on board. 

We left the straits of Malacca, and sailed for the Mediterrane- 
an., The new captain, Mr. O’Connor, was a poor navigator, but 


31 


by chance we made the Cape of Good Hope. This is an exten- 
sive colony in South Africa, with an area of nearly one hun- 
dred and thirty thousand square miles. The gross amount of 
the value of the export trade in 1835 was $384,382, consisting 
of aloes, argol, beef and pork, whale-bone, butter, candles, corn, 
grain and meal, barley, beans, peas, oats, flour, wheat, ostrich 
feathers, dried fish, dried fruits, horse and ox hides, horns, ivory, 
horses, mules, seal and whale oil, sheep tails, calf, goat, kid, 
seal and sheep skins, spirits, tallow, wax, wine, 'wool and other 
articles. The statistics relating* to these several places have 
been derived from the best sources that could be referred to, 
and although they may not be entirely accurate are sufficiently 
so for the purposes of the present publication. We were one 
hundred and ten days on the passage from Sumatra to Gibral- 
ter. This is a strong fortress belonging to Great Britain. It U 
situated in the south part of Spain, and is principally 
distinguished as a military post. In fact, says a writer, 
44 the whole rock is lined with the most formidable bat- 
teries, from the waters to the summit, and from the land- 
gate to Europa point, so that if properly victualled and 
garrisoned Gibralter may be said to be impregnable.” We 
stopped on the run at St. Helena. This is an Island in the 
South Atlantic and belongs to England. It was first discov- 
eren on the 21st of May, 1502, by the Portuguese, and occu- 
pied by the Dutch in the middle of the sixteenth century. 
In 1673 it was taken from the Dutch, and granted by Charles 
II. to the English East India Company, and was subsequently 
restored to the British Government. We were 18 days from 
Gibralter to Leghorn. This was the principal emporium of 
Italy in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, upon the Mediterrane- 
an. During the year 1836 the population was 76,367, of whom 
five thousand w^ere Jews and Greeks, and three thousand other 
foreigners. It is a city of considerable architectural beauty. 
It possesses a coral fishery, and a great proportion of the in- 
habitants are engaged in manufactures and commerce. Its ex- 
ports consisted principally of raw and manufactured silk^ straw 


$2 


hats, straw platting, oil, fruits, wines, w T ool, boracei acid, rags, 
cheese, marble, argol, paper, anchoves, coral, manna, hemp, 
lambskins, with wheat from the Black Sea, Egypt and Barbary, 
cotten from Egypt, and brimstone from Sicily. Here I left the 
ship and went into the hospital, remained in ten days, and 
came out quite smart. I left here in a steamer, and went to 
Marseilles, in France. This is a large commercial city and 
seaport of France, and the population as late as 1840 is said to 
have been at least a hundred and seventy thousand. It is 
principally distinguished for its commercial enterprise, but it 
possesses important manufacturing establishments, among which 
are those of soap, woolen stockings and caps, morocco and sail 
cloth. Here I stayed four months, then went to the Island of 
Minorca. This is the second in size of the Balearic Islands, 
and is almost destitute of trees. Wheat and barley are here 
cultivated, and red and white wines are made in large quanti- 
ties. The trade consists mainly in the export of wine, wool, 
cheese, capers, honey and wax to Spain, Genoa, Leghorn and 
the ports of France. Here I shipped in the L T , S. frigate 
United States, Capt. Wilkinson. We stayed here 12 months 
then sailed for Boston, where we arrived after a passage of six 
weeks. I was paid off three or four weeks after I arrived in 
Boston. I again shipped in the general service, and went on 
board the Columbus, a receiving ship, then lying at Boston. I 
was in the Columbus about three weeks, when, with about 300 
others I was sent to Norfolk, to sail out of there in the service. 
We were conveyed there in the bark Dromo, of Boston. 

Most of us were intended for the Constitution, which was then 
fitting out for a cruise. When we arrived there the ship was 
not quite ready, and we w r ere sent on board the receiving ship 
Java, to wait for the Constitution. In about three weeks we 
sailed for New York, ten days on the passage. We lay in the 
North River three weeks. A few days before we sailed Com- 
modore Claxton came on board. We took out our foreign Min- 
ister to Mexico — 18 da}"s passage to Yera Cruz. This territo- 
ry has recently been brought prominently^ before the country 


try by events involving the advances of the United States into 
that quarter. The city maintains a handsome^appeatance, and is 
somewhat ornamented with a cathedral. Its principal wealth 
has however, been derived from its silver mines, which have 
yielded a greater mount of that product than those of any 
other country upon the globe. These have however been for a 
long series of years worked by English Companies. While 
the mineral product of California has beeii mainly gold, the 
proportion of gold to silver in Mexico has been but 1 to 26. 
The amount coined at the different Mexican mines during the 
year 1837 was 11,716,302 dollars, Cold is discovered in Mex^ 
ico by washing the earth and sand in some few places, but in 
the proviuce of Vaxanaca, veins of native gold occur, embodied 
in the silver mines. Copper, quicksilver and iron are also dis* 
covered in considerable abundance. Here we remained for 
about two weeks, then sailed for Havana, where we arrived af- 
ter a passage of 15 days. Here we stayed a few days, then 
sailed for the South Pacific. On our passage out, we stopped 


in Rio Janeiro two weeks, sailed from Rio for Valpariaso. Lost 
a man overboard, while off Staten Land. 

While off the pitch of the Cape we had a gale which lasted 
85 days. Soon after we lost the man, our 3d Lieutenant was 
taken sick, and died about a week before we arrived in Valpa- 
raiso. We buried him in the sea. This is the principal sea- 
port town of Chili, with a population probably of about ten 
thousand. During the year 1822 many buildings in the city 
were destroyed by an earthquake. British and American ves- 
sels in a considerable number are found in the Bay and Val- 
paraiso is a central depot of the trade of Chili, Large quanti- 
ties of corn are shipped for Callao and Panama, and wheat, tal- 
low, hides, copper, the precious metals, indigo, wool and sarsa- 
parilla are among the principal exports. The market is well 
supplied with moat, poultry, fish, bread, fruit, and vegetables 
at moderate prices. We stayed at that port two weeks, then 
sailed for Callao — 12 days run. This is a seaport town of Pe* 
p. The present town is of comparatively modern construction, 


34 


tlie former having been formerly destroyed and submerged bj 
an earthquake, which occurred in 1746, and by which the 
greater part of Lima was also destroyed. We found in port 
the U. S. sloops-of-war Falmouth and Lexington. We fitted 
ship at the Island of Lorenzo, about six miles from Callao, 
While laying there, the ship’s company got liberty, 25 at a time. 
We remained at this island three weeks, then went back to Cal- 
lao, ran up to Payta Island, stayed there three days, then return- 
ed to Callao again, and sailed for the Gulf of Guyaquil, whera 
we stayed 6 weeks. 

We remained on the coast, running up and down about two- 
years. While lying at Talcahuna, our Commodore was taken 
sick and died in one week. We buried him at Valparaiso. Ha 
was one of the finest men that ever sailed the ocean. Shortly 
after the Commodore’s death, I was taken sick with the palsy. 

The surgeon rove a seton in the back of my neck, to draw th* 
inflammation from my head. I was unhealthy the whole cruise 
afterward, and have never been a well man since. We sailed up 
and down the coast until our three years cruise was up, then 
sailed for the United States. In Nov., 1842, we arrived in Nor- 
folk, and were paid off in a few days. Having an old shipmate 
named Thomas Jarvis, in Portsmouth, I with several others went 
to board with him. My health now was very bad. In a few 
days afterward he sent for his sister, in Washington. I stayed 
at the boarding house four days, when I decided to go to Boston 
in company with another fellow. We got our traps on board a 
packet, and as she did not go when she agreed to, we took them 
on shore, and went back to the boarding house. 

About this time I was married to Mr. Jarvis’ sister, Caroline. 
We moved over to Norfolk, and opened a boarding house on 
Commerce street. After staying here two years, during which 
time we had a son, we left and moved up to City Point, kept a 
boarding house here about 12 months. My health being very 
bad, we concluded to return to Norfolk, which we did, and again 
opened a boaiding house. I worked some at rigging. About 
£ years after I moved back, my family were taken sick. My 


35 


; ffife and three children died soon after. During the time that 
I had kept the boarding house, I had laid up some money in 
the bank, but the sickness of my family required all of it. I wag 
left without a cent. My boy, John Thomas, now went to live 
with his uncle. My health was very bad ,and getting worse. I 
knocked about Norfolk and vicinity a few months, then started 
for Connecticut. I arrive l in New-London, July 2d, 1849. I 
stayed among my folks in Groton, until the next spring, when 
being sick and without money, I went to the poor house, where 
I was off and on for two years. 

I was all the time sick, without anything to encourage me. 
When I visited Groton, Conn., soon after I opened the boarding 
house in Norfolk, I found that during my absence my brother 
and sister had died. I found some of my relatives, with whom 
I stayed a short time, then returned to my family. All this time 
I had not thought of a pension, but had an idea that I could get 
one. I tried and succeeded. Congress paid me about $400 
backpay, and a pension of $6 a month for life. I then left 
Washington, where I had gone for my money, and settled in 
Mystic, Conn. Here my health was bad, and I had to pay out 
a large portion of my money to Doctors. 

As navigation has been the principal occupation of the sub- 
ject of the present sketch, it may be proper to give a brief view 
of the progress of commercial enterprise in this country. 
While the country continued colonies of Great Britain, naviga- 
tion w'as prosecuted to a considerable extent, this being the 
main pursuit along the sea-board. Ship building was carried 
on to some extent, but the population in New-England was 
limited, yet a considerable trade was commenced with the West 
Indies ; the principal imports from those Islands being sugar, 
rum, and molasses. Manufactures were also commenced upon 
a limited scale, which were mainly confined to the coarser spe- 
cies of goods for domestic use. 

THE WHALE FISHERY. 

This enterprise which now employs about six or seven hundred 


36 


vessels was commenced at an early period. It began on the 
Island of Nantucket and was conducted with boats from the 
shore. Try houses were erected upon the land, and the oil was 
there collected. It proved so profitable that a few vessels were 
fitted out, and the business was gradually extended from that 
Island to New-Bedford, Stonington, Mystic, New-London, Sag 
Harbor and other places along the coast, so that the whaling 
fleet from the ports of the United States constitutes a greater 
number of vessels than that of all the world beside. England 
and France are the other principal nations who have embarked 
in this enterprise, but the voyages of their vessels are confined 
to the more northern latitudes. The seal fishery was formerly 
prosecuted from the village of Stonington. The mackerel, cod, 
and herring fishery is prosecuted along the coast of Maine and 
the neighboring region with fishing smacks from the small vil- 
lages upon the coast. An important staple has likewise been 
furnished to the commercial enterprise of the United States 
by the Cotton Trade , which is of comparatively recent rise. 
The vegetable of cotton was formerly cultivated in gardens as 
a matter of curious ornament, but its value being soon after 
learned, its production was extended to the plantation states of 
the South, so that it now supplies a great part of the freights 
which are shipped abroad. Two-thirds of the whole quantity 
produced is required to supply the manufacturing establish- 
ments of England, and about one-third is retained here for the 
use of the cotton mills of the United States. In fact this prod- 
uct gives rise to the employment of a vast number of persons 
both here and abroad and it absorbs a large amount of capital. 

The gradual increase of the population and the consequent 
requirements of the country has induced the increase of ship- 
ping, especially in the more Northern States, vessels employed 
in the foreign and coastwise trade have been augmented in num- 
ber and new lines of packet ships have been commenced to Eu- 
rope. The introduction of steam navigaton has also effected 
an important change in foreign and domestic navigation. The 
period is within the memory of some of the older citizens when 


the first steamboat under the direction of Robert Fulton passed 
up the Hudson upon an experimental trip, and steam vessels 
now traverse by scores the waters of the East and West. The 
establishment of several lines of steamboats to Europe have 
moreover abridged the ocean of half its distance, and its agency 
has been extended to the principal waters of the world. 

Another important agent which has tended to extend the 
navigation of the country has been the colonization of the terri- 
tory of the West. Previous to the year 1760 the entire region 
west of the Northwestern Lakes and the Alleghany Mountains 
was a vast wilderness possessed by the French and occupied by 
them together with the Indians. The whole water-line of the 
lakes, and rivers of the Northwest* liad for nearly a century pre- 
vious been the ranging ground of Traders in the prosecution 
of the Fur Trade with trading posts scattered along the frontier* 
During that year the territory was surrendered to the English’ 
and about forty years afterward to the UnitedStates, upon what 
now* constitutes the American side of those waters. The ad- 
vance ot colonization tended to extend settlement in the forests 
of that portion of the country, and the Erie Canal passing 
through western New- York likewise furnished a medium of 
transportation and a market for products to western settlers- 
The vast emigration •which has from that time been pouring into 
the western co untry from abroad tended still further to increase 
the settlement of that section of the territory, and steam navi- 
gation v r as soon introduced upon the lakes, which was extended 
to the current of the Mississippi, so that the western waters now 
contain the principal proportion of the steam tonnage of the land. 

Another source of trade to the United States has been the 
Coal Trade. It is but comparatively of late years since the 
anthracite coal trade of Pennsylvania was commenced. It is 
perhaps not generally known that every pound of this species 
of coal which is here used comes from the State of Pennsvlva- 
nia, while the bituminous another species which is used in 
forges, and other species of manufacture is found through an 

extensive region, both at the South and West. 

4 


38 


The increase of the manufacture of iron both from the ore 
and into various forms of machinery has likewise tended to in- 
crease the trade of the nation. Iron ore is found in almost un- 
limitable quantity in the State of Pennsylvania, and it is there 
manufactured from the ore to a great extent and is employed 
to a large amount both in forges and founderies, and other 
manufactures throughout the territory. It has been remarked 
that the wealth of England has been mainly derived from its 
possession of coal and iron; and if such be the fact how great 
resources are supplied from these sources to the United States. 

The introduction of the system of railroads has been in great 
part the consequence of the growth of the Union. The lines 
of communication by this agency have been extended to the 
principal points of communication both at the East and West, 
and it has been made a question, whether the number of these 
lines do not exceed the actual requirements of the business of 
the United States at present, and whether the same labor 
and capital directed to the soil would not produce a larger 
amount of profit. But upon this subject it is not necessary to 
express an opinion. It will hardly be denied that with the 
general increase of shipping has been the augmentation of 
manufactures of various sorts, not only in the larger manufac- 
tures of cotton and woolen but also in the various subordinate 
branches referring to the almost innumerable articles which are 
required in daily use. The increase of the production of those 
articles has supplied staples for mercantile enterprise as well as 
the material for foreign and domestic exportation. 

In all the elements of material prosperity the nation is prob- 
ably as opulent as that of any other territory. There are re- 
sources of manufactures and navigation within the bounds of 
Uew-England. There is an abundance of cotton in the Plan- 
tation States, coal and iron abound in the Middle States, gold 
is discovered in the Carolinas and in California, Galena and the 
neighboring districts produce lead, and rich copper mines have 
been recently opened upon the shores of Lake Superior, which 
annually send down hundreds of tons through the chain of the 


North-western Lakes. The west produces sugar and cereal 
grains, and the south, tobacco, sugar and rice. 

From the increase of shipping there has been a gradual in- 
crease of the enterprise connected with the ocean. The port of 
New- York from its central geographical situation, accessible 
from the sea, and with communication both to the north and 
south, has long been the principal place of importation. It is 
in its harbor that the domestic and foreign shipping is collected 
and this is a principal place of shipment. It is here that the 
principal houses of consignment are situated, and goods are im- 
ported and transhipped to the various parts of the land. Bos- 
ton has long been identified with the East India trade as well 
as the neighboring town of Salem where there has been collect- 
ed a cabinet of articles collected in that traffic. New-Orleans, 
situated at the mouth of the Mississippi is one of the principal 
exporting ports as it constitutes the outlet of the products of 
the vast region bordering this river. 

THE SAILORS. 


The general character of the sailor is generous and impulsive 
somewhat wanting in thrift, but with motives which can be 
easily directed to good channels. Living while on shipboard a 
wandering life, removed from local restraints he becomes some- 
what unsettled in habits while upon the land ; although of course 
subject to exact discipline while on duty. There is moreover 
something in sailing the ocean with nothing but the sky above 
and the watery waste beneath which is calculated to produce 
habits of sober contemplation. 


“ Tliou glorious mirror where the Almighty’s form 
Glasses itself in tempests, in all time ! 

Calm or convulsed, in breeze or gale or storm, 

Icing the pole or in the torrid clime, 

Dark, heaving, boundless, endless and sublime, 

The image ot eternity, the throne 

Of the invisible. Even from out thy slime 

The monsters of the deep are made, each zone 

Obeys thee, thou go«;t forth, dread, fathomles, alone.” 


The ship master, while he possesses great responsibility, is 
invested with almost despotic power while in his own craft from 
the necessity of the case, for it is essential that authority should 
be vested somewhere, and no where can it be more safely 




4o 


placed than in the master of the vessel. But his authority over 
the crew is rigidly prescribed by the law, and if he exceeds it 
lie is responsible to the injured party in damages. The organi- 
zation of Bethel Chapels in various seaport towns has doubtless 
been of great advantage to the sea-faring population. 


The particular local resources of the different sections of the 
country tend to furnish facilities for different branches ot en- 
terprise. Thus the Northern States with comparatively a rocky 
and sterile soil have devoted themselves in a great measure to 
manufactures and navigation, with a coast extending a consid- 
erable distance along the Atlantic sea-board, and agriculture, or 
the cultivation of the rural districts for the establishment of 


permanent homes for families is somewhat neglected. New* 
York as has been seen is the principal commercial seaport, 
The tract of country comprising the valley of the Mississippi, 
iucluded between the Alleghany and the Rocky mountains, and 
extending from the shores of the north-western lakes to the citv 
of New-Orleans, together with a considerable portion of the 
Middle States is improved by agricultural industry, and a great 
portion of the east is supplied with flour and other agricultural 


products from those sections of the country. The more fervid 
climate of the southern, or plantation states, favorable to the 

production ol cotton, rice and tobacco, furnishes the great bulk 
of those products for consumption and export. Pennsylvania 
and the adjoining districts produce their iron and coal, and the 
fur trade is carried on at the remote west and north-west by 
companies, the products of the trade being shipped at St. Louis 
and other depots of that traffic. 

The commercial interests of the United States have been re- 
ally indebted for their protection to the Navy. It will hardly 
be denied that the numerous naval vessels which sail from our 
ports, officered by accomplished and scientific commanders, 
and stationed in various parts of the ocean, have done much not 
only to make the national character respected, but to protect the 
commercial interests of the nati#4i which are almost everywhere 
afloat. This branch of tite l^iomd defence is not alluded to as 
a matter of nwe^ilitaryirfrce, because it like the army is prop- 
erly regarded norns a promoter of war, but as a branch of the 
police to uphold the sanctity of the law, and as one of the deco- 
rated ornaments of the machinery of government. 










































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